Special education/ESL deficiencies, favoritism and disorganization:
evidence from Sonoran Science Academy Phoenix
The doctoral dissertation of Aydin Bal, "Becoming learners in U.S. schools: a sociocultural study of refugee students' evolving identities," Arizona State University 2009, provides an inside view of educational problems at Gulen charter schools. In his thesis (available at this link) Bal reports on an Arizona charter school called "Sky Science School." It is not stated that this is a fictitious name. However, there is no record of any charter school with such a name. Several pieces of information provided in the dissertation show that the school is Sonoran Science Academy Phoenix: the school is said to have a STEM focus; its district is said to have been founded in 1999; it is said to have had approximately 270 students in fall 2008; the principal changed in fall 2008. The year "Sky Science School" opened is said to be 2001, which is not accurate, and some demographic percentages do not match those given by the NAPCS website (perhaps some figures were changed deliberately; Erkan/Ercan Acar likewise changed some dates and numbers in his 2012 dissertation on Pioneer Academy of Science, a private Gulen school, without any warning to the reader). After the lines "The school district brings in the so-called hard to find teachers in science and technology from Turkey and other countries," and "However, the social and structural organizations of Sky School differed from the other urban schools in Arizona because immigrant (Turkish) educators were in powerful roles," it is glaringly obvious that the school in question is a Gulen charter school, and therefore Sonoran Science Academy. The Phoenix location is mentioned explicitly.
The primary topic of Bal's thesis is the adaptation of the Meshketian Turk (a.k.a. Ahiskan Turk) refugee students attending Sonoran Science Academy at the time. Some background on this is now given, as it will become relevant below. The Meshketian Turks are not actually from Turkey. They speak an eastern Anatolian dialect of Turkish, as well as other languages such as Russian or Uzbek, and originally lived in a region of Georgia (the country) bordering on Turkey. This area was under the Ottoman Empire, but then fell under the control of the Soviet Union, where some of them subsequently experienced forced resettlement. A large number of them have been accepted into the United States as refugees. The Meshketians have a special emotional significance for the Gulen Movement, to which they appear to be symbolic of all Turkic peoples viewed by Gulenists as separated from their Turkic identity under Soviet rule. It is clear that the Gulen Movement is very active in trying to reinforce the Meshketians' identity as Turks who see Turkey as their "homeland" (see for example Cetinkaya's paper). However, Meshketians probably differ somewhat in their views of their own identity from the Gulenist plan for them (cf. the publications of anthropologist Ufuk Coskun). How the Gulenist administrators of Sonoran Science Academy related to the Meshketian students is covered in Bal's thesis, and discussed further down on this page.
First, however, ESL and special education at Sonoran Science Academy, as described in Bal's dissertation, will be discussed. Some lines in Bal's writings indicate a troubling confusion between special education students, ESL/ELL (English as a Second Language / English Language Learner) students, certain native English-speaking minority students, and students with disciplinary or other academic problems. Some background on these categories of students is now given, to clarify the concerns outlined further down. Readers already familiar with these classifications can skip to the next section.
Some background on special education and ESL/ELL classifications
Special education students and ESL students are quite distinct groups, even if there is sometimes some overlap. Many misconceptions exist that special education students are all academically deficient or all have disciplinary problems, but this is not universally the case. A student is classified as special education if they have an IEP. This means they need some specific alteration in the approach used for their education. Such alterations can range from minor to major. Some special education students may have physical conditions or handicaps; others don't. Some are quite bright (we have personally met ones who are very advanced in math), even precocious, but need certain accommodations. The entire point behind the IEP (the "I" stands for individualized) is that these students cannot all be lumped into the same program. It is true that the individualized approach is more costly, but our society has recognized that it pays in the end to invest some extra money up front to ensure the best possible chance that these students will become productive and engaged members of society as adults. Schools are given more money per student (often thousands of dollars more) for special education to compensate for the cost of complying with an IEP. Regardless of whether or not the administration of a particular school agrees with the underlying premise, it is the law, and in most states charter schools are not legally exempt from either accepting students with IEPs or from following them. When thinking of special education students, it is always worth remembering individuals such as Stephen Hawking, who required accommodation, yet made substantial contributions to society.
ESL (or ELL) students are typically immigrant students or students of immigrant parents whose native language is not English. In the majority of cases, these students were born in another, non-English-speaking country and have recently immigrated. While most students who have already lived in the US for years have learned English from their environment even if their parents never did, occasionally students spend so much time in an isolated cultural enclave that their English skills are insufficient. Such students may also be classified as ESL. However, a native-speaking monolingual student with monolingual English-speaking parents, who was born in the US, and who is either academically behind in English or has a language learning disability, should not be classified as ESL. ESL/ELL students are not necessarily all lagging academically in subjects besides English (some may be excellent students), and they are not necessarily disruptive either, but they do, as a group, require extra resources to teach. Especially because nearly all exams, even in fields such as math, require English literacy, ESL/ELL students tend statistically to have lower standardized test scores, but this does not necessarily measure their true ability.
Special education students and ESL students are quite distinct groups, even if there is sometimes some overlap. Many misconceptions exist that special education students are all academically deficient or all have disciplinary problems, but this is not universally the case. A student is classified as special education if they have an IEP. This means they need some specific alteration in the approach used for their education. Such alterations can range from minor to major. Some special education students may have physical conditions or handicaps; others don't. Some are quite bright (we have personally met ones who are very advanced in math), even precocious, but need certain accommodations. The entire point behind the IEP (the "I" stands for individualized) is that these students cannot all be lumped into the same program. It is true that the individualized approach is more costly, but our society has recognized that it pays in the end to invest some extra money up front to ensure the best possible chance that these students will become productive and engaged members of society as adults. Schools are given more money per student (often thousands of dollars more) for special education to compensate for the cost of complying with an IEP. Regardless of whether or not the administration of a particular school agrees with the underlying premise, it is the law, and in most states charter schools are not legally exempt from either accepting students with IEPs or from following them. When thinking of special education students, it is always worth remembering individuals such as Stephen Hawking, who required accommodation, yet made substantial contributions to society.
ESL (or ELL) students are typically immigrant students or students of immigrant parents whose native language is not English. In the majority of cases, these students were born in another, non-English-speaking country and have recently immigrated. While most students who have already lived in the US for years have learned English from their environment even if their parents never did, occasionally students spend so much time in an isolated cultural enclave that their English skills are insufficient. Such students may also be classified as ESL. However, a native-speaking monolingual student with monolingual English-speaking parents, who was born in the US, and who is either academically behind in English or has a language learning disability, should not be classified as ESL. ESL/ELL students are not necessarily all lagging academically in subjects besides English (some may be excellent students), and they are not necessarily disruptive either, but they do, as a group, require extra resources to teach. Especially because nearly all exams, even in fields such as math, require English literacy, ESL/ELL students tend statistically to have lower standardized test scores, but this does not necessarily measure their true ability.
Problem: Use of ESL classroom as a place for special education students and as a form of detention place for disruptive or poorly-performing native-English-speaking minority students
Bal describes the ESL classes of one teacher at "Sky Science School," "Mrs. Emel" (it is assumed here that Bal already changed her name to protect her privacy), who is a native Turkish speaker herself. She is said to be teaching both a 2nd grade and a 6th grade ESL class. The first question that arises is why a native English speaker was not teaching these classes (see this page). Bal writes that these classes included some Ahiskan students. The 2nd grade ESL class is said to also include 3 minority students who "were born and raised in the United States. Their parents have been in the United States for more than 10 years or a generation." The next lines are disturbing as they make it clear that the students are in the ESL class not because English is their second language, but because they belong to specific minorities: "In addition, from day to day, Mrs. Emel might have some other minority students (African-American and Latino) who were native English speakers. On daily basis, they were sent by their general education teachers [to the ESL classroom] because of their low academic performance or disruptive behaviors." This is reiterated at another point: "In the ESL classrooms, I observed several African American students and Latino students who were born here and whose families have been in the United States for several generations."
Bal describes the ESL classes of one teacher at "Sky Science School," "Mrs. Emel" (it is assumed here that Bal already changed her name to protect her privacy), who is a native Turkish speaker herself. She is said to be teaching both a 2nd grade and a 6th grade ESL class. The first question that arises is why a native English speaker was not teaching these classes (see this page). Bal writes that these classes included some Ahiskan students. The 2nd grade ESL class is said to also include 3 minority students who "were born and raised in the United States. Their parents have been in the United States for more than 10 years or a generation." The next lines are disturbing as they make it clear that the students are in the ESL class not because English is their second language, but because they belong to specific minorities: "In addition, from day to day, Mrs. Emel might have some other minority students (African-American and Latino) who were native English speakers. On daily basis, they were sent by their general education teachers [to the ESL classroom] because of their low academic performance or disruptive behaviors." This is reiterated at another point: "In the ESL classrooms, I observed several African American students and Latino students who were born here and whose families have been in the United States for several generations."
These lines are concerning and suggest school mismanagement and discriminatory practices. An ESL classroom should not be misused as a detention center. ESL students are not intrinsically "bad" or academically behind; they are simply coming from circumstances that necessitate extra time or attention to learn English. Dual use of an ESL classroom as a type of disciplinary center, especially with new students appearing only on some days, creates chaos and unfairly stigmatizes the ESL students.
Also, an ESL classroom is not a holding pen for minority students. Why were only African-American and Latino students sent to this classroom, even when they were native English speakers that could not by any stretch of the imagination be classified as ESL? Why were these students treated differently from students of other ethnicities, some of whom surely also were disruptive or academically struggling?
The chaotic situation of moving students back and forth between general education and ESL/ELL classes is also touched on in these lines: "In Sky School, Ahiska students were moved back and forth at least four times between the general education language arts and the ESL classrooms in two semesters. Ahiska students’ in-class behaviors, participations in academic activities, and motivation changed drastically when they were in the mainstream classroom along with their non-ELL peers…"
Additional quotes from Bal's thesis (bolding added): “Both Mrs. Emel and the general education language arts teachers associated the special education students with the ELLs. Teachers’ cultural models that I identified indicated that the ELLs and special education types of students’ [sic] were similar and the teachers needed to work with those types of students in similar ways.…In the absence of an active special education program with a full time special education teacher and a separate special class/room, the ESL classroom was somehow used as an alternative place for exclusion of immigrant and some native CLD [culturally and linguistically diverse] students with behavioral and academic difficulties in general education classrooms.”
"This dominant script, I found, had important implications in the cultural world of Sky School: The ESL program took a role of being a semiofficial evaluation place for special education referral and evaluation. The ESL students’ behaviors and academic performances measured by grades and the high-stake English language proficiency tests became significant acts in the figured world of becoming learners to define ELLs’ potentials and deficits as kinds of learners. In a very simplified way, if an ELL 'failed' in the ESL program because of her individual and familial deficits, it became 'natural' and 'logical' to refer her to a special education evaluation and placement."
Again, this points to poor training of teachers and administrators, as this sort of confusion between special education students, ESL students, and native-English-speaking minority students should not be occurring. Identification of students needing special services should take place in all classrooms, not just the ESL class. Further, the admission that the school did not have a functioning special education program is disturbing, as it is a legal requirement that special education students be accommodated in charter schools:
Arizona Revised Statutes 15.183 E.7 (link)
"The charter of a charter school shall do all of the following:....7. Ensure compliance with all federal and state laws relating to the education of children with disabilities in the same manner as a school district."
The problems shown in Bal's writings are not surprising, given that Gulen charter schools are already known to have a track record of problems with special education.
"This dominant script, I found, had important implications in the cultural world of Sky School: The ESL program took a role of being a semiofficial evaluation place for special education referral and evaluation. The ESL students’ behaviors and academic performances measured by grades and the high-stake English language proficiency tests became significant acts in the figured world of becoming learners to define ELLs’ potentials and deficits as kinds of learners. In a very simplified way, if an ELL 'failed' in the ESL program because of her individual and familial deficits, it became 'natural' and 'logical' to refer her to a special education evaluation and placement."
Again, this points to poor training of teachers and administrators, as this sort of confusion between special education students, ESL students, and native-English-speaking minority students should not be occurring. Identification of students needing special services should take place in all classrooms, not just the ESL class. Further, the admission that the school did not have a functioning special education program is disturbing, as it is a legal requirement that special education students be accommodated in charter schools:
Arizona Revised Statutes 15.183 E.7 (link)
"The charter of a charter school shall do all of the following:....7. Ensure compliance with all federal and state laws relating to the education of children with disabilities in the same manner as a school district."
The problems shown in Bal's writings are not surprising, given that Gulen charter schools are already known to have a track record of problems with special education.
Disorganization; Absence of a curriculum for the ESL students
Bal's thesis suggests that the school did not really have an ESL/ELL program: "In the spring semester, ESL classrooms were not constructed as 'real' classrooms physically and ideally. In the beginning, it was more like a tutoring room for Ahiska and other linguistic minority students during the independent study hours. ... The students and Mr. [sic] Emel were following the general education language arts syllabi but at a slower pace. Also, she was helping Ahiska and other CLD [culturally and linguistically diverse] students categorized as ELLs from all of the grades in their homework.....But in the beginning, the ESL class was not considered to be a 'real' class."
It is difficult to see how a teacher could be expected to handle this situation productively.
The disorganization is further shown in the lines: "In addition, in the language arts classroom hour, the ESL teacher was having five groups of the ELLs and the native minority students from kindergarten, 1st, 2nd, 5th and 6th grades. In this challenging task, the ESL teacher followed the curriculum of the language arts classrooms in a slower and easier phase. Mrs. Emel had to figure out how to adapt the general education curriculum into her classes."
The following lines are also concerning, given the use of H-1B visas to import ESL teachers (even though many qualified native-English-speaking teachers are available in the US):
"Mrs. Emel was conscious about her need for professional development. She acknowledged that her instructional method included teacher-oriented activities because she said 'they did not have an ESL curriculum' (Interview with the ESL teacher, 10/21/08)."
Bal's thesis suggests that the school did not really have an ESL/ELL program: "In the spring semester, ESL classrooms were not constructed as 'real' classrooms physically and ideally. In the beginning, it was more like a tutoring room for Ahiska and other linguistic minority students during the independent study hours. ... The students and Mr. [sic] Emel were following the general education language arts syllabi but at a slower pace. Also, she was helping Ahiska and other CLD [culturally and linguistically diverse] students categorized as ELLs from all of the grades in their homework.....But in the beginning, the ESL class was not considered to be a 'real' class."
It is difficult to see how a teacher could be expected to handle this situation productively.
The disorganization is further shown in the lines: "In addition, in the language arts classroom hour, the ESL teacher was having five groups of the ELLs and the native minority students from kindergarten, 1st, 2nd, 5th and 6th grades. In this challenging task, the ESL teacher followed the curriculum of the language arts classrooms in a slower and easier phase. Mrs. Emel had to figure out how to adapt the general education curriculum into her classes."
The following lines are also concerning, given the use of H-1B visas to import ESL teachers (even though many qualified native-English-speaking teachers are available in the US):
"Mrs. Emel was conscious about her need for professional development. She acknowledged that her instructional method included teacher-oriented activities because she said 'they did not have an ESL curriculum' (Interview with the ESL teacher, 10/21/08)."
Evidence of favoritism
Bal's thesis contains evidence that the Meshketian Turk students were treated with favoritism, because their ethnicity was perceived as being "Turkish," the same as SSA administrators. Following is an excerpt from Bal's thesis (bolding was added):
"Even though Ahiska students' cultural behavioral styles of fighting or aggressive behaviors were not tolerated but they were understood by the principals of the school, Mr. Sedat mentioned that Ahiska boys' behaviors might be interpreted rude or aggressive in the United States by non-Turkish educators. Mr. Sedat said that Ahiska students could not help acting aggressively since it was in their culture as people who lived and worked in rural farming communities in Russia. My interviews with the teachers pointed out and my observations confirmed that one of the strengths of this school was "discipline" problems (e.g., fighting or verbal and physical aggression) were not tolerated. Ahiska students also knew about the firmer approach Sky School administrators showed toward fighting or physical aggression on the school premises. In the first semester they attended Sky School, Ahiska boys had fights with non-Ahiskan students. ..... However, they added that they already established their identity as a group who should not be messed with or picked on in Sky School. Moreover, Mr. Sedat told me that he showed more understanding toward some of the aggressive behaviors that Ahiska students showed toward each other since those behaviors were their cultural behavioral styles. Mr. Sedat described an incident where Ahiska boys got into an argument with each other because of a very minor issue as they played ball in the playground. Then, an "American" teacher brought them to Mr. Sedat's office because Ahiska students were aggressive toward each other (pushing each other). After learned what happened, Mrs. Sedat explained to the teacher they were not fighting they were just being rough to each other. ... (Interview with the principal, 09/26/08). Mr. Sedat felt responsible that as a Turk he should look after Ahiska students without making any favoritism. I also think Ahiska students' behaviors would be interpreted differently and punished more harshly in another school where there were no Turkish teachers and administrators who considered themselves as insiders and members of the imagined Turkish nation."
"Mr. Sedat" (it is not his real name) was the principal of SSA and is now affiliated with the Magnolia Science Academy chain of Gulen charter schools in California, as is the other principal referred to in dissertation, "Mr. Chumbley," who is in fact also from Turkey.
Bal's thesis contains evidence that the Meshketian Turk students were treated with favoritism, because their ethnicity was perceived as being "Turkish," the same as SSA administrators. Following is an excerpt from Bal's thesis (bolding was added):
"Even though Ahiska students' cultural behavioral styles of fighting or aggressive behaviors were not tolerated but they were understood by the principals of the school, Mr. Sedat mentioned that Ahiska boys' behaviors might be interpreted rude or aggressive in the United States by non-Turkish educators. Mr. Sedat said that Ahiska students could not help acting aggressively since it was in their culture as people who lived and worked in rural farming communities in Russia. My interviews with the teachers pointed out and my observations confirmed that one of the strengths of this school was "discipline" problems (e.g., fighting or verbal and physical aggression) were not tolerated. Ahiska students also knew about the firmer approach Sky School administrators showed toward fighting or physical aggression on the school premises. In the first semester they attended Sky School, Ahiska boys had fights with non-Ahiskan students. ..... However, they added that they already established their identity as a group who should not be messed with or picked on in Sky School. Moreover, Mr. Sedat told me that he showed more understanding toward some of the aggressive behaviors that Ahiska students showed toward each other since those behaviors were their cultural behavioral styles. Mr. Sedat described an incident where Ahiska boys got into an argument with each other because of a very minor issue as they played ball in the playground. Then, an "American" teacher brought them to Mr. Sedat's office because Ahiska students were aggressive toward each other (pushing each other). After learned what happened, Mrs. Sedat explained to the teacher they were not fighting they were just being rough to each other. ... (Interview with the principal, 09/26/08). Mr. Sedat felt responsible that as a Turk he should look after Ahiska students without making any favoritism. I also think Ahiska students' behaviors would be interpreted differently and punished more harshly in another school where there were no Turkish teachers and administrators who considered themselves as insiders and members of the imagined Turkish nation."
"Mr. Sedat" (it is not his real name) was the principal of SSA and is now affiliated with the Magnolia Science Academy chain of Gulen charter schools in California, as is the other principal referred to in dissertation, "Mr. Chumbley," who is in fact also from Turkey.
Another excerpt from Bal's work also suggests differential treatment based on ethnicity (boldface added): "our expectations for them is not to be melted in [assimilated].. .it means to carry out their Turkish identity... this country has a big danger. this country makes a person assimilated, here if you do not protect your own culture, stick to your own people, teach these things to your children... if you do not reinforce them [children] to speak in their own language, it [Ahiska culture] would easily end with the first generation, they would have nothing left to the second generation. Secondly besides protecting their own language I want them to be the good citizens of this country...as good American citizens, to represent Turkish identity like Armenians have done, like Jewish people have done here...here several ethnic groups continue their own identity and become the elites of America. I expect them to do this. I expect this from myself as well (Interview with the principal, 09/26/08)."
It seems concerning that a principal would expect students of a particular ethnic group to become the "elites." Was this merely a private sentiment or did it affect his treatment of students? What were his expectations for all the other students at SSA?
Further lines invoke a school culture where not all students were treated equally (boldface added): “Sky School was a seemingly ordinary urban charter school. For example, the school had multicultural students and teachers who worked with emergency teaching certifications. The school had deficit-oriented cultural models and exclusionary practices for cultural and linguistic minority students. … However, the social and structural organizations of Sky School differed from the other urban schools in Arizona because immigrant (Turkish) educators were in powerful roles. In Sky School Turkish language and nationality and Islam were not officially privileged but socially valued and accommodated.”
The assertion that Turkish-speaking and/or Muslim students were "socially valued and accommodated" suggests that they were not subject to the "deficit-oriented cultural models and exclusionary practices." This raises the question: which other minority students were affected by these models and practices? Shouldn't all minority students have been equally "valued and accommodated"?
Bal also writes that "For example, Ahiska students attended Quran lessons given by Turkish Muslim teachers who were considered members of the same imagined community, the Turkish nation..." The teachers referred to were of course part of the same Gulen Community that runs the school. This touches on a much broader issue than just the Gulen charter schools. In all "centric" schools, where the administration is dominated by a particular ethnicity or religion, when there are supplemental extracurricular religious programs that technically, at least according to current court interpretations, do not infringe on the legal prohibition on religious teaching during school hours in publicly-funded schools (this occurs in some "Hebrew charter schools" and in some charter schools that were converted from private Christian schools, for example) one still wonders if the students who do not participate in such supplemental programs receive the same treatment.
(Our own position is that public schools should not be "centric" schools - they should not be oriented around a particular language or ethnicity. We take this position consistently on all such "centric" charter schools, whether they are "Somali," "French," "German," "Pacific Islander," "Greek," "Hebrew," "Arabic," or whatever. We feel that public schools should be for everyone, and treat everyone equally. We are concerned that "centric" schools segregate students by religion and/or ethnicity, and thus ultimately lead to separate-but-unequal education and societal balkanization.)
There are further concerning points in Bal's thesis, such as his description of how all the Meshketian Turkish students were chosen as "readers of the month" and rewarded with a trip to a restaurant/amusement park, even though they were still struggling with reading.
It seems concerning that a principal would expect students of a particular ethnic group to become the "elites." Was this merely a private sentiment or did it affect his treatment of students? What were his expectations for all the other students at SSA?
Further lines invoke a school culture where not all students were treated equally (boldface added): “Sky School was a seemingly ordinary urban charter school. For example, the school had multicultural students and teachers who worked with emergency teaching certifications. The school had deficit-oriented cultural models and exclusionary practices for cultural and linguistic minority students. … However, the social and structural organizations of Sky School differed from the other urban schools in Arizona because immigrant (Turkish) educators were in powerful roles. In Sky School Turkish language and nationality and Islam were not officially privileged but socially valued and accommodated.”
The assertion that Turkish-speaking and/or Muslim students were "socially valued and accommodated" suggests that they were not subject to the "deficit-oriented cultural models and exclusionary practices." This raises the question: which other minority students were affected by these models and practices? Shouldn't all minority students have been equally "valued and accommodated"?
Bal also writes that "For example, Ahiska students attended Quran lessons given by Turkish Muslim teachers who were considered members of the same imagined community, the Turkish nation..." The teachers referred to were of course part of the same Gulen Community that runs the school. This touches on a much broader issue than just the Gulen charter schools. In all "centric" schools, where the administration is dominated by a particular ethnicity or religion, when there are supplemental extracurricular religious programs that technically, at least according to current court interpretations, do not infringe on the legal prohibition on religious teaching during school hours in publicly-funded schools (this occurs in some "Hebrew charter schools" and in some charter schools that were converted from private Christian schools, for example) one still wonders if the students who do not participate in such supplemental programs receive the same treatment.
(Our own position is that public schools should not be "centric" schools - they should not be oriented around a particular language or ethnicity. We take this position consistently on all such "centric" charter schools, whether they are "Somali," "French," "German," "Pacific Islander," "Greek," "Hebrew," "Arabic," or whatever. We feel that public schools should be for everyone, and treat everyone equally. We are concerned that "centric" schools segregate students by religion and/or ethnicity, and thus ultimately lead to separate-but-unequal education and societal balkanization.)
There are further concerning points in Bal's thesis, such as his description of how all the Meshketian Turkish students were chosen as "readers of the month" and rewarded with a trip to a restaurant/amusement park, even though they were still struggling with reading.
Stereotyping of Hispanics
The following text from Bal's dissertation suggests a school culture where Hispanics were unfairly stereotyped, and perhaps suffered from the favoritism directed towards the Meshketian students:
"Below the third grade homeroom teacher Mrs. Martin explains how Ahiska students liked and were very good at helping adults in job that required physical labors such as rearranging the classroom settings or cleaning the cafeteria. She does so by comparing classroom behaviors of Ahiska students in her language arts class (including Elmira and Fatih) to the culture and behaviors of the Hispanics. The Hispanic generic character were constructed as immigrant and therefore natural ELLs who were also required to "catch up with" their American peers in the figured world of Sky School not only for their English proficiency but academic behaviors and efforts as well.
=the cultures [of the students in her class] are very different, because I have the Spanish speaking ones. I have the Turkish or Russian ones [Ahiska students], they are very different__compared to the culture of the Hispanics. ..the Hispanics are more like "uhh, I'd rather have a siesta right now." they are very laid back_...... the ones from Turkish_ _they are helpful, are willing to make effort, even though they are social where the Hispanics are total social, it goes into their culture. I noticed in our neighborhoods_ _they would be outside socializing_ _if you have a culture like that, when you go home, are you gonna do homework? (Interview with the homeroom teacher, 10/16/08).
As you can see, Mrs. Martin interpreted Ahiska student' school behaviors against the generic Hispanic character. Mrs. Martin makes meaning of Ahiska students' behaviors in relation to the generic characters of the Hispanics and the Hispanics' culturally-historically embedded generic acts such as 'being laid back' 'not working so hard.' "
The following text from Bal's dissertation suggests a school culture where Hispanics were unfairly stereotyped, and perhaps suffered from the favoritism directed towards the Meshketian students:
"Below the third grade homeroom teacher Mrs. Martin explains how Ahiska students liked and were very good at helping adults in job that required physical labors such as rearranging the classroom settings or cleaning the cafeteria. She does so by comparing classroom behaviors of Ahiska students in her language arts class (including Elmira and Fatih) to the culture and behaviors of the Hispanics. The Hispanic generic character were constructed as immigrant and therefore natural ELLs who were also required to "catch up with" their American peers in the figured world of Sky School not only for their English proficiency but academic behaviors and efforts as well.
=the cultures [of the students in her class] are very different, because I have the Spanish speaking ones. I have the Turkish or Russian ones [Ahiska students], they are very different__compared to the culture of the Hispanics. ..the Hispanics are more like "uhh, I'd rather have a siesta right now." they are very laid back_...... the ones from Turkish_ _they are helpful, are willing to make effort, even though they are social where the Hispanics are total social, it goes into their culture. I noticed in our neighborhoods_ _they would be outside socializing_ _if you have a culture like that, when you go home, are you gonna do homework? (Interview with the homeroom teacher, 10/16/08).
As you can see, Mrs. Martin interpreted Ahiska student' school behaviors against the generic Hispanic character. Mrs. Martin makes meaning of Ahiska students' behaviors in relation to the generic characters of the Hispanics and the Hispanics' culturally-historically embedded generic acts such as 'being laid back' 'not working so hard.' "
Concerns are corroborated by parents' online reviews
Online reviews, especially when they are not signed with a real name, must of course be approached with caution. Many of the "parent" reviews of Gulen charter schools on the greatschools.org website (a popular website for posting school reviews) read as if they were written by the school administrators themselves. Nevertheless, we believe that a few of the reviews of SSA-Phoenix, said to be posted by parents, show concerns that corroborate the evidence of ethnic favoritism from Bal's thesis. Here is part of one dated May 1, 2012: "This is the worst school ever!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Please if you are anglo, hispanic or any other ethnicity that is not muslim, turkish or russian do not even attempt to enroll your kid at this terrible school. I have had numerous meetings, emails and phone calls to the administration regarding the way that they handle the bulling issues and I have not received any response at all. ......—Submitted by a parent" (see the greatschools.org website for the complete text).
Online reviews, especially when they are not signed with a real name, must of course be approached with caution. Many of the "parent" reviews of Gulen charter schools on the greatschools.org website (a popular website for posting school reviews) read as if they were written by the school administrators themselves. Nevertheless, we believe that a few of the reviews of SSA-Phoenix, said to be posted by parents, show concerns that corroborate the evidence of ethnic favoritism from Bal's thesis. Here is part of one dated May 1, 2012: "This is the worst school ever!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Please if you are anglo, hispanic or any other ethnicity that is not muslim, turkish or russian do not even attempt to enroll your kid at this terrible school. I have had numerous meetings, emails and phone calls to the administration regarding the way that they handle the bulling issues and I have not received any response at all. ......—Submitted by a parent" (see the greatschools.org website for the complete text).
Conclusion
In summary, Aydin Bal's thesis provides evidence of several concerns we already had about the Gulen charter school educational model, regarding deficiencies in special education and the ESL program, favoritism, and general disorganization. In this regard, SSA Phoenix does not appear to be an exceptional case among the Gulen charter schools.
Much press coverage of the Gulen charter schools has focused on their awarding-winning, highest-performing students, a small group that brings in trophies from math, robotics, and other competitions. The schools' resources are concentrated on these students, not on the harder-to-educate students. Bal's thesis suggests that this same level of attention is not given to all the students.
Many (although not all) of the Gulen charter schools also have a good reputation based on their standardized test scores being higher than the surrounding district, supposedly even taking into account the number of disadvantaged students they have. Minority enrollment is often assumed to measure the size of the disadvantaged population, but that alone does not tell the whole story; most of these schools have a much lower percentage of special education and ESL students compared to nearby district schools. Also, school demographics may be self-reported and is not always audited. Given the disorganization and lack of overall vision depicted in Bal's thesis regarding special education, ESL, and even some African-American and Hispanic minority students, one might ask how a school run this way could produce better test results for disadvantaged students than district schools, which have organized programs, experienced teachers and administrators, and controls in place to ensure that all students are served according to the law. Naturally the response to this will be to immediately point out that some district schools have deficiencies in these areas as well. There is, however, a key difference. Parents in district schools who are dissatisfied have many avenues to explore when their child is not receiving adequate services. There is a chain of authorities, starting with district officials, and usually proceeding from a locally elected school board up to higher level government officials, whose job responsibilities include addressing parents' complaints. Parents of students with disabilities and minority students are also protected by federal law. In contrast, whether it is technically legal or not, charter schools often get away with telling dissatisfied parents that they are "schools of choice," and the vast majority of these parents can manage little more than quietly transferring to another school. Reporters should read Bal's thesis before claiming that Gulen charter schools are doing an excellent job of educating at-risk or disadvantaged students, and the standardized test scores need closer scrutiny as well.
In summary, Aydin Bal's thesis provides evidence of several concerns we already had about the Gulen charter school educational model, regarding deficiencies in special education and the ESL program, favoritism, and general disorganization. In this regard, SSA Phoenix does not appear to be an exceptional case among the Gulen charter schools.
Much press coverage of the Gulen charter schools has focused on their awarding-winning, highest-performing students, a small group that brings in trophies from math, robotics, and other competitions. The schools' resources are concentrated on these students, not on the harder-to-educate students. Bal's thesis suggests that this same level of attention is not given to all the students.
Many (although not all) of the Gulen charter schools also have a good reputation based on their standardized test scores being higher than the surrounding district, supposedly even taking into account the number of disadvantaged students they have. Minority enrollment is often assumed to measure the size of the disadvantaged population, but that alone does not tell the whole story; most of these schools have a much lower percentage of special education and ESL students compared to nearby district schools. Also, school demographics may be self-reported and is not always audited. Given the disorganization and lack of overall vision depicted in Bal's thesis regarding special education, ESL, and even some African-American and Hispanic minority students, one might ask how a school run this way could produce better test results for disadvantaged students than district schools, which have organized programs, experienced teachers and administrators, and controls in place to ensure that all students are served according to the law. Naturally the response to this will be to immediately point out that some district schools have deficiencies in these areas as well. There is, however, a key difference. Parents in district schools who are dissatisfied have many avenues to explore when their child is not receiving adequate services. There is a chain of authorities, starting with district officials, and usually proceeding from a locally elected school board up to higher level government officials, whose job responsibilities include addressing parents' complaints. Parents of students with disabilities and minority students are also protected by federal law. In contrast, whether it is technically legal or not, charter schools often get away with telling dissatisfied parents that they are "schools of choice," and the vast majority of these parents can manage little more than quietly transferring to another school. Reporters should read Bal's thesis before claiming that Gulen charter schools are doing an excellent job of educating at-risk or disadvantaged students, and the standardized test scores need closer scrutiny as well.